Saturday, June 26, 2004

Berria Echoes IBO Campaign

The Basque newspaper Berria echoes the campaign by the International Basque Organization for Human Rights asking the Georgetown University to consider not hiring former Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar as a lecturer for the upcoming fall.

Here is the
note, and its version in Euskara:

IBO launches campaign opposing hiring of Aznar as Georgetown lecturer

The association of the Basque diaspora has urged people to write to the University's president

I. Murua-Uria - DONOSTIA (San Sebastian)


The IBO (International Basque Organization for Human Rights) has called on people to write to Georgetown University (Washington, DC) to urge it not to hire Jose Maria Aznar, the former Spanish Head of Government, as a guest lecturer at the university, "because he has been responsible for many human and civil rights violations in the Basque region".

The IBO was set up in the United States in the wake of the closing down of Egunkaria to express international denunciation of human rights violations against Basque citizens. When John Kerry, the Democrat candidate for the United States' presidency, made declarations linking Basque citizens "to terrorism", the organisation launched a letter campaign to ask him to correct what he had said. In the end Kerry issued a rectification and an apology.

During the 2004 academic year Jose Maria Aznar will be lecturing on European politics and transatlantic relations in the Edmund A. Walsh Foreign Faculty of Georgetown University, as a guest lecturer, in the Global Leadership Institute. In January of last year while he was Prime Minister, he was awarded the University's Gold Medal of Honour. Georgetown is a Jesuit institution, the oldest of the Catholic universities of the United States.

The IBO has written at length to John DeGioia, the University's President, giving details of violations of Basque citizens' rights in many spheres; these were carried out by the Spanish Government while Aznar was in charge. It has also included a shorter letter on its web site (www.euskojustice.org) and has urged as many people as possible to send it to the University's president. Those who sign the letter point out to the university that while Aznar was in power "the human and civil rights of Basque citizens" were violated. In the longer letter the IBO informs the University President that while Aznar was prime minister Egunkaria was closed down "on a false basis", that the people arrested in the case were tortured and that the UN's Rapporteur against Torture, Theo van Boven, has lent credibility to these torture complaints.

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Friday, June 25, 2004

Garzon, the Clown

Some people just don't get it...

A couple of groups joined efforts to honor Spanish Judge Baltasar Garzon, here is the link to the
announcement.

Now, upon reading the document everything looks peachy huh?

Not so.

Sadly, what both this groups (
Joan B. Kroc for Peace and Justice and Survivors of Torture International) are actually doing is to present a false prophet with a platform were to spread his venom and lies.

You see, this character, Baltasar Garzon Real, who believe it or not is judge AND prosecutor in Spain is also a pivotal figure on the campaign of repression against both Basque and Catalan nationalists.

It is thanks to Judge Garzon that hundreds of Basques have been arrested, kept incommunicado, tortured and incarcerated without access to a fair and timely trial for the only "crime" of loving their homeland, their culture, their language, their freedoms.

Why is it that some misguided human rights activists admire this sinister individual Garzon to the point of calling him a "modern day hero"?

A few years ago he pulled a pretty impressive PR stunt, he offered to prosecute Chilean former dictator Augusto Pinochet. He did not mean to, he knew he couldn't, but that simple bluff bought him the adoration of those around the world that still remember the crimes committed by this thug Pinochet.

That event was widely publicized, almost as most as one that actually moved people to laugh, and that is his offer to prosecute Osama Bin Laden and his request to the USA government to hand him over if and when captured. After that one people knew that the Judge was too full of him self for his own good.

The one that went unknown was the one about indicting former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger for alleged crimes against humankind in Latin America, for those who know, it was Kissinger who eased the way for Pinochet to raise to power in Chile.

So, what we have here is a failure to convince, why would a Spanish Judge be so bent on prosecuting a Chilean, a Saudi Arab and an American while at home he refuses to indict those members of the Francoist regime still alive for their crimes against humankind?

Why is he so lax against those within the PSOE who funded and deployed the GAL, a paramilitary group that abducted, tortured and murdered dozens of Basque and French citizens?

What is going to take for Judge Garzon to lend an ear to the demands of Basque and Catalonian political prisoners and their families that have lodged over 200 torture complaints?

Judge Garzon is a fake, an evil little excuse of a man with a huge ego, it is a shame that organizations that are supposed to be working towards peace and justice and against torture decide to honor him.

The Gala is taking place tomorrow, Saturday 26th, if you feel it in your heart, contact this two associations and express your concern, thanks.


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Wednesday, June 23, 2004

What Controversy?

I ran into this poster at Yahoo News, I think it is freakin' funny.


Controversy...What Controversy? Posted by Hello


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Sunday, June 20, 2004

The Guardian of the Drones

I guess it happens in any country where they have a king. This is the way I see it, if you are stupid enough to allow a bunch of parasites to parade themselves with money from your taxes, if you are so dumb as to bow your head when someone called Prince this or Princess that proclaims that the members of the Royalty are above the simple mortals, then you deserve a media information like the one provided by The Guardian in England. Bottom line, English people with very few exceptions are nothing but busy little drones.

Next I attach an
article they just published regarding the refusal by an Argentinean federal judge to grant the Holy Inquisition of Spain the request for extradition of Basque political refugee Josu Lariz Iriondo.

First of all, the Argentinean judge did not deal a blow to the antiterrorist campaign in Spain, it was the Spanish authorities who were unable to present solid information and evidence that Josu Lariz Iriondo was in fact an ETA member. Unlike in Spain and possibly England, in the rest of the free world you are innocent until proven guilty, no evidence of a crime, you get to walk free.

Second, the reports about torture against Basque political prisoners are not claims by Josu Lariz Iriondo alone, they were sustained by the UN's Human Rights Rapporteur Theo Van Boven and the UN's Human Rights High Commissioner has issued recommendations based on the report.

Last, Batasuna, the banned political party has never claimed to be ETA's political arm, that is a claim by Madrid. Over a year ago Madrid proscribed the political force depriving 10% of the Basque electorate of a voice on claims that Batasuna is part of ETA, all these months and until today Madrid once again has been unable to produce solid evidence of the accusation, which means that their Neo-Francoist policies are not sustained in the frame of the law and justice.

Obviously the author of the note, Ben Sills, spends way too much time sucking Tony Blair's pencil size dick, because he is far from being a reporter or a journalist.

Oh yeah, I forgot, Josu Lariz Iriondo was not expelled from Urugay, he was abducted from Uruguay, there is a difference.



Eta suspect wins extradition fight

Ben Sills
Monday June 21, 2004

The Guardian


An Argentinian judge has dealt a blow to Spain's fight against Basque terrorism by refusing to allow the extradition of a suspected member of Eta. Claudio Bonadi­o rejected Spain's request on the grounds that underArgentineann law, the charges against Jesus Mari­a Lariz Iriondo were inadmissible. He also attacked Spain's treatment of Eta prisoners.

The ruling could still be overturned by the supreme court, but Bonadio said that any future extradition should be conditional on guarantees from Madrid regarding Mr Iriondo's physical and psychological well being.

He accepted the defendant's claims that Spain had a history of mistreating Eta prisoners. "In the event of an extradition, Mr Iriondo should not be blindfolded or hooded."

Spanish prosecutors want Mr Iriondo to stand trial for a 1984 attack in the Basque village of Eibar in which three policemen were injured. Mr Iriondo admits membership of Batasuna, the political wing of Eta, which is banned in Spain. But he denies involvement with Eta.

Mr Iriondo arrived in Argentina after being expelled from Uruguay in 2002. In Buenos Aires he has attracted the support of leftwing intellectuals including Nobel peace prize winner, Adolfo Perez Esquivel.



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Himat the Kurdish Artist

Last week I found this article at an internet version of a newspaper called The Daily Star, which I think it is published in English for people with an special interest in the Middle East.

Now, the article made a mistake on the name of the Basque sculptor Eduardo Txillida, so I sent a letter to them that they were nice enough to publish last
June 17th, here you have the article and then my letter:



Thursday, June 10, 2004

Kurdish painter finds beauty in truth

Himat Mohammed Ali wonders if returning to Iraq might best be left a dream

By Kaelen Wilson-Goldie
Daily Star staff
BEIRUT: A few years ago, Himat Mohammed Ali, the 44-year-old painter who goes by his first name only, was participating in a group exhibition in Baghdad. The organizers asked him to make the invitation, and he responded with an abstract image bursting in reds and turquoises. A well-known Iraqi artist came to the show, looked at the invitation, and said: "Nice colors. But I could never use them." The combination was just too jarring. "The red I can understand," he said, "but not the turquoise."


"I can use them," Himat said quietly.

"But why, how?"

"Because I'm Kurdish."

Himat is telling this story while balancing on a high stool, elbows and shoulders hunched over a marble countertop in the storefront space of Beirut's Agial Art Gallery. To punctuate the punch line, a quick and mischievous smile flashes over his face.

It's a stereotypical explanation turned around, he explains, twirling two silver rings on the fingers of his left hand, one set with dull black stone, the other one deep and shining red. People often regard his paintings - multilayered abstractions all blending organic and geometric forms - and comment on the Kurdishness of his color scheme.

Indeed, to survey the 34 canvases on view at Agial, the artist's first show ever in Beirut, is to brace your eyes against an assault of vibrant shades and hues. There are sun-like splashes of yellow and orange mixed with moody mauves, bright blues, and hyper-succulent greens, all meshed into a web of earth tones, rusted reds and unforgiving browns.

"For me, it is simple to see the Kurdish colors," says Himat, because his paintings have the same exuberance and brightness of Kurdish carpets and Kurdish clothes. "But the important thing is what you can find that's more, what you can find that's different. It's very easy to see this as Kurdish. And I like to be Kurdish," he adds, "but international Kurdish."

Here, Agial's owner and director Saleh Barakat interjects: "Kurdish without the fundamentalist approach to Kurdish nationalism; Kurdish in the sense that he is somebody who has this strong attachment to strong colors. But not particularly to be Kurdish because he is part of a Kurdistan nationalist party or something."

Himat prefers the approach to national and artistic identity articulated by Eduardo Challida, the Spanish sculptor who once compared himself to a tree, saying that his roots were in the Basque, but his branches were everywhere.

"Yani, you have an imperialistic approach!" says Barakat.

"No, no, no!" laughs Himat.

Born in Kirkuk in 1960, Himat has shown his work in numerous solo exhibitions in Paris, Tokyo, Switzerland, the Netherlands and throughout the Arab world. He got a boost to his profile with the recent, well-toured exhibition and book project "Strokes of Genius: Contemporary Iraqi Art." And his work now sells for $600 to $6,000. But he may be best known for his joint projects with such poets as Adonis, Kassem Haddad, and other French and Japanese men of letters.

But despite his attraction to the written word, he says: "Sometimes it is not important for me what I do. Sometimes, what I have inside I want to speak. Sometimes you go the coffee with someone, you've been in the house all day, you want to get out and speak, and it doesn't matter what you say or to whom."

It's worth noting that Himat went through an impressionable period where his paintings were far less colorful. He reduced his compositions to black and white, not because he was down - Himat insists that his use of color is exactly the opposite of, say, German Expressionism, as his colors are not intended to evoke mood, tone, or emotion - but because he had no other materials at his disposal but black ink and white paper.

"I went to Japan, and for six months, I didn't paint. So for me, it was like prison." Himat had traveled for a show and planned to stay in Japan for just two months, the duration of the exhibition's run. "This was 1990. There was the war, Iraq and Kuwait, I don't know what. I decided I didn't want to go back," he says. "Two months has now become 15 years.

"I didn't have my materials. I didn't have my canvases, my oils. So I found Japanese inks and someone gave me Japanese paper." He painted with them for two weeks straight. "When I finished, I couldn't stop. So I painted the side of the house. And when I was finished with that, finally I relaxed. I felt empty. When I do this, it's for what I have inside. And sometimes the place decides for me what I do. When I come here," for example, "if I stayed in Lebanon, I could find my materials and automatically (my painting) changes, not the style but maybe the form, maybe the color."

As someone made rootless from his country, this sense of movable place has become a strong undercurrent in Himat's work. Every painting may be viewed as a landscape, as the artist hones in on portions of wilderness - a thicket of trees, a bunch of flowers, a handful of stray leaves - and breaks them apart in his compositions. Yet his touch is not violent but smooth.

Himat is now based in France, where by his own admission he leads something of a hermit's existence, painting every day and often all day. He works out of a studio in Paris's 18th district so small that he can rarely stand two of his larger canvases side by side. There, using acrylics, oils, lithographic inks and paper, he constructs and deconstructs his paintings, sometimes cutting up a series of canvases to make an entirely new creation out of the scraps.

"I cut, I mix, I make another painting," he says. "Sometimes it is like playing for me, like children."

Himat also says he prefers not to represent what he sees but rather to recreate it. In this way, his work bears a curious resemblance to that of the cubists. His impulse toward abstraction comes not from a physical gesture that conducts an emotion from limb through brush to canvas, but from an effort to capture some sense of perceptive truth.

Commenting on a recent survey in London on cubism and its legacy, Jonathan Jones wrote in The Guardian: "Cubism was never a style ... It was an inquiry ... Art today is made from the building blocks of ordinary life. Cubism took these building blocks, or working premises, apart ... 'I went to the cafe' - cubism asks what a cafe is, what is it to go, and, most provocatively of all, who the hell you are."

One hundred years after Braque and Picasso, Himat may have stumbled into their previously and deeply etched groove accidentally or by instinct. But where he skips off that cubist groove is in his notion of beauty. According to Jones: "Cubism claims to be not beautiful, but true."

Himat, by contrast, has said: "My artwork is an attempt to discover the truth. To me the truth equals beauty and therefore my artistic search is primarily an aesthetic quest."

It would be easy also to read into that artistic search a quest for home, homeland, return, back. "You need that," he says. "But sometimes it is not important. Because maybe if I sent you to your country, your city, your village, you couldn't live there today. Everywhere you have negative and positive."

On the likelihood of him going home anytime soon, in light of the current conditions in Iraq, he spins the rings on his fingers once more and adjusts his precarious pose. "Sure (it's difficult)," he says. "It's my dream to go back, but I don't know. Sometimes if the dream stays a dream it's better."

Himat's paintings are on view at Beirut's Agial Art Gallery in Hamra through June 19. For more information, call 01/345213



My letter:

Kaelen Wilson-Goldie "Kurdish painter finds beauty in truth" (June 10)

The name of the Basque sculptor in your story about Kurdish painter Himat Mohammed is Eduardo Txillida, in Spanish his last name is translated into Chillida. Looks like there was a typo and it appears as Challida in the article.

It is a shame that artists around the world have to go to extra lengths to explain that when they call themselves Basque or Kurdish it is from the cultural point of view and that they are not being political. It is a shame because regimes like the one in Spain reduce the spaces for ethnic groups to express themselves in their own way. Recently Madrid attacked Basque movie makers and musicians like Julio Medem and Fermin Muguruza for the sole "crime" of expressing their Basqueness.

It looks like freedom of expression is almost as scarce in Spain as it was in Saddam Hussein's Iraq. To the artists out there expressing themselves in their own cultural backgrounds, keep up the good work; the international community needs to understand that we must embrace every single cultural heritage if we want to preserve the world's humane face.




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Blogging at TIME Magazine

As I was reading the current issue of Time Magazine (the one with the scary photo on the cover) I ran into an article about you guessed what, blogs and blogging.

Bam!

I finally found my inspiration, the one I lost a while ago, pretty much the day that retarded Angelfire decided to prevent people from using them as a source for images.

Right now I am working towards being able to remove my blog from Blogspot to a service that will allow me to store pictures so I do not have to depend on any other provider, of course, the big el problemo right now is the lack of currency in my pocket.

One more thing, the article at
TIME Magazine does provide with a number of sites where they track blogs, there is the one called Feedster that notifies you when a blog has an entry revolving around the topic or topics that you fancy the most, seems like they gave this watchdog a new tool, he he he, I am salivating.

EXTRA: Pitxkumater! It took forever for the
TIME Magazine site to load up, all I wanted was to link their sorry ass site!

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Saturday, June 19, 2004

Basque Poetry Site

Go check out this Basque Poetry site, it is excellent, and it is published in Euskara, English, German, French and Spanish.

It even gives you some historic perspective to the poems and their authors, most excellent!


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Friday, June 18, 2004

Good News, Bad News

Being Basque, good news and bad news.

The good news:

A federal judge in Argentina refused the extradition of Basque political refugee Josu Lariz Iriondo who over a year ago was abducted from Uruguay after the Uruguayan justice had refused the extradition not once, but twice. The verdict indicates that prima Donna Spanish judge Baltasar Garzon had manipulated information during the extradition process and that there was well founded fears that the Josu Lariz Iriondo would be tortured and thrown into the legal limbo in which most of the Basque political prisoners are today.

Now, most countries that suscribe to extradition treaties establish that no political refugee should be returned to a country were it can face discrimination and mistreatment, even death. Hopefully they will remember that in Mexico were today six Basque refugees face and extradition process plagued by the globally known Mexican level of corruption among government and justice representatives, a corruption that plays well into the hands of corrupt judges like Baltasar Garzon.

The bad news:

The Irish, yup, you read it right, the Irish who occupy the presidency of the European Union today, have rejected the petition by the Spanish government and the Basque people for Euskara to be an official language of the European Union along with Catalan and Galizan.

Yes, from all people, the Irish stab the Basques in the back, their staunchest allies during their trials and tribulations for independence from England and for an unified Ireland.

That comes to show that once they are on the other side of the fence, some people forget about the friends that they had before and that are still struggling to achieve their dreams. Shame on them!

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Wednesday, May 19, 2004

Rushdie and Egunkaria

Today at Yahoo News:

At Barcelona Forum Salman Rushdie vehemently denounces closing-down of ‘Egunkaria’

At the opening event of the International PEN Club Josep Bargallo, the Chief Councillor of the Catalan Government, also referred to what happened to the Basque-language daily

Gurutze Jauregi –BARCELONA
Condemnation of the closing down of Egunkaria reached writers and journalists all over the world yesterday and the day before yesterday during the conference organised by the International Pen Club as part of the Barcelona Forum. The day before yesterday during the opening event of the conference The Value of the Word both Josep Bargallo, the Conseller en cap or Chief Councillor of the Catalan Government, and the writer Salman Rushdie recalled the closing down of the Basque-language newspaper. And in a press conference yesterday with Martxelo Otamendi, Egukaria’s former Chief Editor, Salman Rushdie himself condemned what had happened to Egunkaria even more vehemently.

When asked about the closing down of Egunkaria, Salman Rushdie said it was “appalling”. The author of “The Satanic Verses” is the Chairman of the American PEN Club and spoke on behalf of the association: “On behalf of the PEN Club of the United States I can say that we are outraged by attacks of this nature.” At the same time he regarded Otamendi’s torture experience as extremely serious in view of his position as a newspaper editor. “If they do things like that to an editor who has a good opportunity in numerous places to talk about what he was subjected to, what will they not do to someone who doesn’t have this possibility?” he asked.

The press conference Salman Rushdie gave with Otamendi created the highest expectation among all the events organised by the International PEN Club yesterday. The author, who has lived under a death threat for many years, spoke about the difficulties and dangers that freedom of expression is facing. Among other things he denounced the efforts made by today’s governments to restrict the bounds of public debate. He also spoke of the power conflict in the world. “The true power struggle today is being concealed. The secret services of Governments and terrorists want to keep it under wraps. Our task is to publish what is going on.”

The opening event the day before yesterday aroused intense curiosity particularly because of the protagonists. Salman Rushdie, the Chairman of the American PEN Club, Josep Bargallo, the Chief Councillor of the Catalan Government, and Carles Torner of the PEN club of Catalonia were among those present.

Rushdie praised the value of the word. “Those who kill writers and journalists will never be able to put an end to their writings,” he said. Rushdie, like Josep Bargallo, referred to the closing down of Egunkaria and expressed solidarity with those who had been arrested. The Chief Councillor of the Catalan Government recalled the dark years endured under the Aznar government and referred to the Egunkaria case as one of the infringements of liberty that had taken place.


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Sunday, May 16, 2004

Letter From Iñaki Uria

We received this letter from Basque political prisoner Iñaki Uria:

Letter from Aranjuez jail

Iñaki Uria

I have been imprisoned in the Aranjuez jail for more than a year for editing Euskaldunon Egunkaria, then the only daily newspaper written entirely in Basque. My name is Iñaki Uria. I’m 43 years old, and I’ve spent 25 working in the Basque press. Basque is the oldest living language in Europe. It has about 800,000 speakers, about 30 per cent of all inhabitants of the Basque Country. Three wars in the 19th century, the loss to Franco in the 20th, the 40 years of Franco’s dictatorship, and the waves of massive immigration worsened the health of Basque language. It would be dead by now, save for the efforts of many Basque people in the 1960’s. They created Basque primary schools, unified the language, and made it useful for all aspects modern society, from art to science, from religion to business, and, of course, including the press. Until then, the only publications written in Basque were some Catholic journals, with religious content, directed at rural folk.

So in the 1970’s Basque journalists did not begin from scratch, but nearly so. We were volunteers, without salaries, driven by day-to-day necessities. Our young vocations as journalists and writers were wholly involved in the effort to start Basque publications, even if we had to work on something else —often during weekends— to earn a living. We managed to inititate Argia, a weekly magazine, Susa, first a literature magazine, then a publishing company, and Larrun, a journal of political essays.

By the 1980’s, we saw our projects becoming solid realities. We realized that creating a daily newspaper was the next decisive step on the way to normalizing our language—that is, enabling Basque speakers to communicate in Basque in the normal ways people use their language. We were young and brave —or crazy— enough to embark in a new and difficult project. To begin with, who was going to finance it? In the Basque Country there are no big Maecenas or patrons for cultural projects. No big businessman or political institution volunteered to support the project. They saw no future in a Basque newspaper.

Apparently, all the principles of the market ran against it. But we made it. We begged for money. And we got the support of hundreds of citizens. It is these hundreds of individual stakeholders that constitute the financial basis of Euskaldunon Egunkaria. After a difficult birth, it was a success. The potential market of Basque readers was small, but Egunkaria gained a significant part of it and, slowly, came to occupy an important place among the papers in the Basque Country. It gained prestige, credibility and influence. The Basque autonomous institutions came to acknowledge its value and began to contribute to its financing. One of its latest projects was the edition of a series of local newspapers, initially distributed for free, which hopefully would attract new readers to the Basque language. And then, unexpectedly, one year ago, judge Juan del Olmo from the Spanish special court called Audiencia Nacional decided to close down Egunkaria.

Yes, it is as easy as that. In Spain, at the beginning of the 21 st century, a judge closed a daily newspaper with 50,000 readers. He sent 200 troops of the Guardia Civil (a paramilitary police force) to close down Egunkaria’s offices in five towns. They arrested 10 people, both current and former staff members. Those arrested included the editor-in-chief, Martxelo Otamendi and myself, the managing editor. I can tell you what happened to me.

February 20, 2003; about 1:15 a.m. I am alone at home; sleeping. The bell rings; someone bangs on the door. I open it. Members of the Guardia Civil enter with assault guns. There is also a judicial secretary, or so I think. They handcuff me, arms on the back. They search the house. They take all they want. There is no witness. 3 hours and a half later, now blindfolded, they take me to Egunkaria’s headquarters. After searching these premises, they drive me —still handcuffed and blindfolded— to Madrid —500 kilometers— to the Guardia Civil’s headquarters. They ask me questions, silly questions. “Do you know who we are? The Guardia Civil!” they proudly say. I have strong reasons to be scared, for I am, after all, a Basque. Basque people know that lots of people have been tortured by the Guardia Civil. Some of them have been killed by torture: Joseba Arregi, Mikel Zabaltza and Gurutze Yantzi are just three famous cases.

I have reasons to be frightened. I am not frightened because I have done anything wrong. My ‘crime’ was just editing a newspaper. I am frightened because I am being held incommunicado in the hands of Guardia Civil.

They take my jacket away, and leave me just my T-shirt and shirt. I have only one blanket. I am freezing, I cannot sleep. I cannot see either. I am blindfolded most of the time. When it is removed, I still can’t see much with my myopic eyes: they have also taken my glasses away. I spend five long days and nights incommunicado. I endure I don’t know how many interrogatory sessions. I suffer techniques for physical exhaustion and psychological humiliation: they beat me, they put a plastic bag over my head, they put a gun against my head and pull the trigger, they aim at me with some red laser light in the dark of the punishment cell… they do with me whatever they want. But, what for? What do they seek from me? A confession. They want a connection between ETA and Egunkaria: they want me to serve as the intellectual and economic link and, therefore, as the justification for the closure of Egunkaria.

There has never been any tie, not the smallest tie, not economic nor of any other kind, between Egunkaria and ETA. Regarding this, I am not worried. I am suffering a lot, but surely, after those five hard days, the truth will be clear. After the isolation and torture, I am led to the judge in the Audiencia Nacional. I am not allowed to be assisted by, or appear with, or even talk to my attorney. The judge’s questions are all incriminatory. No evidence. He will not listen to the truth. I decide not to declare. Everybody knows that Audiencia Nacional is a special court reserved for Basques and big drug dealers as well. Thus, he sends me to jail—a jail which is more than 500 kilometers from my town.

Here in jail as far as the wardens are concerned I am another ETA prisoner—a dangerous fellow. I, who have devoted myself to journalism and other media, am a dangerous prisoner for Spain. This has direct consequences for my quality of life. Basque political prisoners live in a jail within the jail. To discourage visits we are moved at least 500 kms. away from our hometowns and relatives —many to more than 1,000 kms. Cell inspections, naked body inspections, and isolation cells are the rule for Basques. Had our skin been black we could talk of a racist regime, an apartheid within the jail.

It is a year since I was sent here. There has been no trial. But this is not surprising in Spain: you could spend up to four years in prison without a trial—even if you are innocent! I’ve met people here with two and three years of ‘pre-emptive’ prison for being members of organizations that work for prisoners’ rights, or members of a juvenile political organization, or an association of town councilors. We are Basque political prisoners. We are accused of being dangerous terrorists—with no evidence, and no trial!

The daily newspaper we worked so hard to create, Euskaldunon Egunkaria, remains closed down. Its five sites are sealed, its bank accounts closed, and the publishing company in process of liquidation, following orders of the judge. Of the ten people arrested on February 20, 2003, I am the only one in prison. On October 20, 2003, nine people more were arrested. They all have been freed.

The judge has turned down two requests by my attorney for my freedom. My appeal is now in the hands of a higher court. The judge says that “there is risk of flight”. I tell him no. I do not intend to run away, and I dare say he knows it. I suspect his real motives are others. How could he keep the paper closed down if no one is incriminated? If nobody had committed any crime, what would be his justification for the closure?

What are the real reasons for this attack on freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and the right for information? To understand this we must consider it in the context of the Basque issue, the conflict of the Basque Country with Spain.

Spain has been particularly skilful to take the big wave against terrorism generated after the September 11 attack on America. Spanish president Aznar, good servant of president Bush, began his own attack against Basque nationalism after he won the elections in Spain by an absolute majority. The attack intensified after 9/11 exploiting the international atmosphere the attack created. Aznar equated Basque nationalism with terrorism, banned a political party, almost 300 electors’ associations, an association of town councilors, and closed down a daily newspaper. This is, sad to say, all within Spanish law, that’s true. In 1996 he promised that his policy against terrorism would always be within the law, that he would not create his own terrorist group to make the war to Basques, like former president Felipe González, from the Spanish Socialist Party, did, and the so-called GAL group (27 people were killed in “selective murders” from 1983 to 1989).

President Aznar has taught everybody a clear lesson: “you can do a lot of things within the law. If you meet a limit, you just change the law. That’s the use of absolute majority.” But we all know that acting legally does not mean acting fairly or morally. Having majority in parliament is never a guarantee for justice. Remember Hitler. Many of his acts were legal within the framework of laws he created.

During the last years, using ETA as an excuse, Spain has committed big injustices against Basque people. Political, social, and cultural organizations and media have been attacked, under the umbrella of made-to-order laws. The Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, the Attorney General and the National Court of Spain have all subordinated to the executive. I’m not alone denouncing it. All Basque political parties and the Spanish parties not in office have made the same claim. But mass media are highly controlled, no less in Spain than in Berlusconi’s Italy. In a nutshell, the health of democracy in Spain is in very bad condition.

In these circumstances, the rights of the Basque minority (2.6 million people) are ignored by the government of Spain (43 million people). Most Basque people want ETA, the armed separatist organization created during Franco’s dictatorship, to end its violent activities once and for all. But we also want the Spanish government to stop the war against the Basque Country and its people it conducts with its media, its police, its judiciary, and its control of political and economic forces.

The conflict of the Basque Country is not new. Leave aside the wars of the 19th century, and focus on the 20 th . On April 26, 1937, the fascist —German, Italian, and Spanish— air force killed 2,800 people in three hours, in Guernica. It was the first experimental air bombing against civil population. These are the sad figures of that war against Franco in the Basque Country:

• 10,800 soldiers killed in the front; 3,000 disappeared

• 4,700 soldiers and 10,500 civilians killed by air raids

• 17,500 soldiers disabled in the front

• 12,500 soldiers and 19,500 civilians injured by air raids

• 21,780 executed in the rearguard

• 34,550 prisoners

• 52,000 in work fields and concentration camps

• 150,000 refugees


This makes a total of 336,830 direct victims out of a total Basque population of 1.5 million.1

Today there are more than 700 Basque prisoners distributed in jails of Spain and France; there are more than 3,000 refugees. From 1968 there have been 1,150 people killed; almost 6,000 injured; 5,300 reported cases of torture; 30,000 detentions —10,000 of them for demonstrations—, thousands of fines, billions of euros in losses.2

What’s the relevance of these figures when compared to those corresponding to the conflict between Israel and Palestine, or between Russia and Chechnya? What if compared to those of Ireland? Nothing spectacular. That’s true. Moreover, unlike most of them, we have no important lobby to work for our case in the U.S.A. Where can we look for help?

After the end of the Spanish War, the Basque president José Antonio de Agirre collaborated with the U.S.A., putting at its service important men from his government in exile and his party —the Basque Nationalist Party, PNV. In the war against communism Basque Catholics were loyal allies. Neither president Agirre nor the PNV expected that the U.S.A. would afterwards support Franco’s dictatorship. But Eisenhower and Dulles did so in 1953. Today Bush and Aznar are friends. In the context of their “war against terrorism” they don’t distinguish among Basques, Algerians or Iraqis— all are the same. The Spanish government doesn’t distinguish among Basque nationalists. Town councilors, journalists, businessmen, and members of the parliament are basically assumed to be in league with terrorists. Dialogue is banned as a means of resolving the conflict. In Spain the war on Basques, portrayed as a brave battle against terrorists, gains votes. The Basque Country is for Aznar’s government what Iraq is for the U.S.A.’s or Chechnya is for Russia’s. With a difference: in the Basque Country there are almost no terrorist attacks in the last years. Why? Because the Basque people do not support it.

There is no solution for this conflict without the commitment of international organizations. The Spanish powers have closed down two daily newspapers and a radio station in the Basque Country, with absolute impunity. Attacks on free speech should be decried throughout the European Union. But who does so? The Basque Autonomous Region can do nothing except complain about these measures. The Basque Autonomous Parliament itself has been considered “law breakers” by the Spanish government. The president of this Parliament is ‘lynched’ everyday by the government and mass media in Madrid. Spanish President Aznar has never officially met Basque President Ibarretxe in the last four years. What Ibarretxe presents as a proposal to normalize the relations between Spain and the Basque Country, Aznar sees as a way to break relations between them. Most Basque people want a new political status for the Basque Country within Europe. We know that concepts like sovereignty, nation, and state are subject to change, especially in a Europe in the process of re-inventing itself. But we are a European country and we want to be recognized as such, without the obstacles posed by Spain and France. We don’t want terrorism, that’s clear. Neither ETA’s nor anyone else’s. But our country needs new ways. Ways of peace and self-determination. Our country needs its voice. It needs and it has the right to be listened to, to be respected, whatever it democratically decides. But Spain wants hear nothing about that: “There is no conflict with the Basque Country. In fact, there is no Basque Country. All people are Spanish. Anything else is terrorism.”

I've been in prison a year for having worked for 13 years in Euskaldunon Egunkaria. This is my only crime: being the managing editor of the daily newspaper entirely written in the oldest living language in Europe, an endangered language, according to UNESCO. I’m proud of having been part of Euskaldunon Egunkaria. Fourteen years ago our aim was to create a paper that would be in Basque language, national, open, plural, independent, militant, professional and modern. In thirteen years of seeking the truth, we made those aims reality, and we gained our readers’ trust. The Basque autonomous government partially supported the paper. The Spanish government did not. Eventual support from the Spanish government seems like a conceptual impossibility to Basque people. The Spanish Government likes to say that it “loves the old Basque language”. They love it only as a dead language. They don’t like to see its use promoted, its vocabulary standardized and updated, and the necessary infrastructure developed to keep it a live language. Linguistic diversity is a treasure… but one to be kept in a museum. If Basque is used in everyday life, or in mass media or posed as a qualification for a job, that is called discrimination.

The Spanish linguistic policy towards Basque can be dubbed just “extreme neo-liberalism”. The policy of laissez faire. To leave the language seriously wounded by Franco’s regime to its natural death. And when they see the Basques, against the tide, are making small steps forward, as they have for the last fifteen years, they attack through the press, the police, and the judiciary as we are clearly witnessing in the Egunkaria case.

The party that has been in office in Spain for the last 8 years, the Partido Popular, Franco’s right wing heirs, now directly or indirectly controls almost all TV channels, radio stations and newspapers. In the Basque Country it has closed down two newspapers and a radio station that it did not control. Recently the heads of the Basque public TV were called to the Audiencia Nacional to explain their coverage of an ETA interview.

This is the state of Liberty among us. Even this letter, I’m sure, would not be published by any Spanish paper or journal whatsoever. Not even by those few nearer to the opposition. I don’t know whether it may be published in an American one without annoying the ‘Spanish friend’. When the Parliament of Idaho approved a memorial stating the right of the Basque Country for self-determination, the Spanish ambassador hurried up to look for the intervention of the White House.

We know that the international community has a lot of urgent injustices to deal with; we know that every day millions of people have their rights as humans violated. Given this, how will you remember a small daily newspaper that was closed down in a small country that is between Spain and France, or its managing editor that is in prison for more than a year? Perhaps we are too small.

In the end, the Basque issue is just an issue about democracy; an issue of respecting the civil and political rights of Basque people. If we are a country, why can’t we decide about our own future? Why should anyone force us to be what we don’t want to be? Why don’t they just ask Basque people what they want?

This was the context in which Euskaldunon Egunkaria survived for 13 years. We had an open mind. We thought we enjoyed a free press. We thought we had the right to inform and being informed. We thought we were free to think and to express what we thought. But we were wrong. Spain has proven us wrong. Being Basque and supporter of the Basque language is “to share the goals of terrorism” (judge Del Olmo, Egunkaria closure decree). Calling the paper “national” referring to the Basque nation, not to the Spanish one, is also “to share the goals of terrorism”. Being militant, that is, to work under compromise and with low salaries, is “to share the goals of terrorism” too.

The powerful don’t usually apologize for the injustices they commit. The U.S.A. didn’t apologize for the victims of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. France and the United Kingdom didn’t apologize for the disasters in Africa and India. Spain didn’t apologize for the genocide in South and Central America… I don’t expect the Spanish Audiencia Nacional tell me “sorry, we have committed an injustice with you; please, go on editing Egunkaria.” No. Unfortunately, in our world thinks don’t work that way. I know that the path to truth and justice is difficult and silent. It could take years and a lot of work in the Basque Country and also out of it. But there is no other way. If most people in the Basque Country believe they constitute a nation and want to live their future as a nation in Europe, speaking their own language, they have the right to do so. If they want to have newspapers, TV channels or whatever in Basque they have the right to do so.

One day, Spain and France will have to accept a new status for the Basque Country, with the exercise of self-determination for Basque people. In Slovenia, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, for instance, this has been possible. In Flanders and Walloonia too, they seek their way. Why not in the Basque Country? Why shouldn’t the Basque people constitute a free nation in Europe, if that’s what they want? Wouldn’t Europe be more democratic if the forms of organization wished by their citizens were respected?

Aranjuez (Spain), February 2004


1 Ugalde, Martin (2003), Idazlan politikoak. Periodismo politico. Edited by J. M. Torrealdai, p. 72.

2 Ormazabal, Sabino (2003), Sufrimenduaren mapa (osatu gabea). Bilbao: Robles-Arangiz.

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