When Unity Crumbles

This information comes to us via SUBO:

Basque Political Unity Crumbles

Basque political unity did not survive the death of Santxo III the Great, king of Navarre. Bizkaia was the first Basque territory to leave Navarre for Castile in 1076. Attracted by the rising power of Castile, the seignor of Bizkaia's son, Lope, gave his allegiance to the Castilian king in return for which he was rewarded the Castilian feud of Haro. Lope adopted the family name Lopez de Haro, whose house became one of the most powerful of the Castilian noble families.

A century later, in 1200, Gipuzkoa joined Castile. At least in two attempts to recover Navarre from Castile in 1522 (the battle of St Marcial in Irun) and in 1524 (the siege of Hondarribia) , the Navarrese were defeated by the Basques of Gipuzkoa who fought side by side with the Spanish troops.

Araba, on the other hand, had numerous villas founded by Navarre principally for military reasons. The most important of these was Gasteiz (Vitoria), which was to become the capital of Araba. In fact, it was the Senior of Bizkaia in the service of the Castilian king who invaded Araba in 1181. Gasteiz, established by the king of Navarre
Santxo VI in 1181, was invaded and conquered by Alfonso VIII of Castile in 1200. Araba was annexed to Castile in 1331. A key force behind this decision taken by the Cofradia - representatives from the the clergy, nobility, and small landholding peasantry - was the Araba nobility who gained the same economic and political privileges as their Castilian aristocratic counterparts.

In summary, the western Basque territories of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa participated actively in the Spanish economy, royal administration and conquests - even against Navarre. In the 16th century, Spain extended the status of nobility, hidalguia, to all native residents of Bizkaia in 1526 and Gipuzkoa in 1610. The so-called "Basque universal nobility" was an essential first step for achieving military or administrative position in the context of the opportunities offered by the Reconquest and the conquest, exploration and exploitation of the Americas.

The Basques of Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, all of whom were equipped with noble status, staffed the Spanish state administration, not only in the Spanish capital, but in the Americas, Flanders and the Austrian Empire. "Their incomes were dependent on maintaining royal favor and the position and influence of Basques at court had important political and economic repercussions inside Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa," writes economic anthropologist Marianne Heiberg. These state officials exerted a powerful influence over their counterparts, to whom they were frequently related by kinship, inside the Basque foral regime - a collection of local laws and customs together with especial economic and political immunities.

Bibliography: Mikel Sorauren, Historia de Navarra, el Estado vasco, Pamiela, 1999; Tomas Urzainki, La Navarra maritima, Pamiela, 1998; Roger Collins, The Basques, Basil Blackwell, 1986; Jean-Louis Davant, Ebauche d'une histoire du peuple Basque, in Euskadi en guerre, Ekin, 1982; Marianne Heiberg, The Making of the Basque Nation, Cambridge University Press, 1989; Luis Nuñez Astrain, La Razón Vasca, Txalaparta, 1995

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The Fueros

When studying the history of Euskal Herria (Navarre) people sooner or later run into a word that confuses them, the word is fuero, Navarre's foral laws.

The fueros where a system of check and balances imposed to whoever would become the king of Navarre, the ancient kingdom of the Basques.

Well, thanks to our friend Txabi we can now present to you a text that will explain to you the fueros. Reading this may help you to understand why the Basque society longs for its self determination.

Basque Laws Limited the King's Authority

The people of Navarre created the Fuero or laws that regulated their political system and protected their independence and identity. The Fuero appeared in Navarre in the 12th century, during the reign of Santxo V the Wise, king of Navarre, as a collection of laws with origins in the earlier simple charters guaranteeing certain rights and privileges to the inhabitants of a newly created settlement. The Fuero was organized as a collection of two types of laws: those covering private, domestic law i.e. rules concerning transmission of homestead, dowry, domestic economic relations and those concerned with public law, i.e. rules covering political and economic relations in the non-domestic sphere.

Navarre's foral regime was founded on three essential elements, the first book of the General Fuero, the Representative Assembly, and the Assembly of the Kingdom. The first book of the General Fuero or collections of laws established that the community prevails over the king they elect, underlined by the ceremonial "elevation" of each new king of Navarre. The candidate chosen to be king is lifted on a shield by the people who elected him and to whom he has confirmed and sworn fidelity to their Fuero.

The foral regime limited the king's authority and provided guarantees of liberty and protection from arbitrary rule. The Representative Assembly or Cortes - the parliament - supervised the actions of the king and his ministers to protect the Fuero from being violated, in which case it reclaimed reparation.

The Fuero also established that the king could not apply or execute any law or decree without previous approval of the Representative Assembly. The king could not declare war or peace or alienate the kingdom, or part of it, or to make any important decision without the previous approval of the representatives of the Nation. This doesn't mean that the kings, whose position in Navarre was severely circumscribed by local customs and a lack of a large stake in the land, did not play an increasingly important role as it was the case of King Garcia II of Navarre (1035-54).

In the 14th century, Navarre adopted the Modification of the Fuero or Amejoramiento, which is the modification, by initiative of the Representative Assembly, of those aspects contained in the Fuero that are considered to be inadecuate for the time.

During the time that Navarre was sovereign and the Basque state elected its king, that is, Navarre was not ruled by a foreign king, the monarchy more often than not recognized its constitutional role. This changed after Navarre was conquered by Castile. But even after the conquest and despite the constant attempts by Castile to abolish the Fuero, Navarre was able to create an administration, which in many aspects is ahead of actual times. Such an administration was guided by the principle that civil society has jurisdiction over public issues.

Of particular interest are two aspects of the form of government adopted by Navarre that should be noted. The first refers to the Assembly of the Kingdom - the executive power or government. During parliamentary recess, a Permanent Commission followed the detailed instructions of the Representative Assembly to make sure that government actions were always subject to the previous approval of the Assembly.

Also of note is the management of public funds. The institutions of Navarre established that because of the risk of fraud involved, every person in the administration expected to be in contact with public funds and property had to deposit bail. Any disbursements to be made by the administration had to be approved by the Representative Assembly. Money was kept in a coffer with three keys in the custody of three different authorities thus, any funds removed from the coffer had to have the approval of all three authorities. Moreover, in order to open the coffer, a permit from the assembly and the presence of a notary was required.

After the conquest, Castile transformed Navarre from a sovereign state into a viceroyalty. Navarre was governed by a viceroy under the authority of the Spanish king for centuries, but the institutions of the kingdom, their power curtailed however, survived, especially the
parliament.

The political and institutional balance of the kingdom deteriorated in the second half of the 19th century as a result of the constant harassment by the Spanish absolutist monarchy, which sought the abolishment of the Fuero that limited the power of the king. Later, the centralist policies of the Bourbons increased tension, which exploded into war. In 1841, Navarre was transformed from a viceroyalty into another Spanish province. All legislative and executive powers were transferred from the assemblies to the Spanish parliament and government. A Provincial Assembly, an administrative body with no control over the public funds, was set up as the main institution of Navarre. All that survived was its title, Kingdom of Navarre.

The fueros of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa

After they left Navarre to join Castile, the three Basque provinces of Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa were politically articulated into the Castilian monarchy and state administration mainly through two institutions - the corregidor and the pase foral. The first functioned to affirm and impose the king's authority and the second to limit it.

The first corregidor, Gonzalo Moro, was appointed in 1394 in response to petitions from Gipuzkoa and Bizkaia requesting assistance to help control the warring nobility. The functions of the corregidor, initially appointed for three year term, were extensive to ensure that no agreements contrary to the interests of the Crown were made. All modifications of the fueros required the sanction of the corregidor. He exercised far-reaching judicial and administrative functions, especially concerning fiscal matters, and played an important role in overseeing the equity of the foral institutions.

On the other hand the pase foral was conceded by the Crown of Castile in Araba in 1417, Bizkaia in 1452 and to Gipuzkoa in 1473 and guaranteed the autonomy of the foral institutions. The pase foral, at least on paper, established that the Castilian king could not apply or execute any law or decree without previous approval of the provincial foral authorities. In Bizkaia, each new king of Castile, who was also señor of Bizkaia, confirmed and sworn fidelity to the fueros under the oak tree at Gernika.

Because of the contradictory effects of these two institutions, the degree of political autonomy Araba, Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa actually enjoyed is difficult to establish.

Bibliography: Mikel Sorauren, Historia de Navarra, el Estado vasco, Pamiela, 1999; Tomas Urzainki, La Navarra maritima, Pamiela, 1998; Roger Collins, The Basques, Basil Blackwell, 1986; Marianne Heiberg, The Making of the Basque Nation, Cambridge University Press, 1989; Luis Nuñez Astrain, La Razón Vasca, Txalaparta, 1995.

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Havana Hosts Basque Choir

This note comes to us thanks to the Cuban News Agency:

Basque Choir Give Concert in Havana

Havana, Aug 27 (acn) The Ibero-American Cultural Center in Havana recently hosted the first presentation in Cuba of the Gaztelu Zahar Choir from the Basque Country.

Choir member Uriarte Gilbert said this was the choir's first visit to Cuba, "An island that is very similar to the Basque Country because its people are very happy and listen to a lot of music, like we do at home."

The concert of sacred songs, Spanish polyphonies and ballads demonstrated the group's command of vocal technique and a profound sensitivity, highlighting a veneration of love, and a sense of belonging and respect for their land of birth. At the end of one of their songs, the choir made a call to use art to build peace and dialogue among nations.

"We usually rehearse once a week after work. We have sung in many parts of Europe and in our country we have participated in many festivals. We also like to spend New Year's Eve singing in the streets," said Gilbert.

The group was founded in 1945 and currently is made up of 35 singers, said Gilbert.

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Euskara's History

In this link sent to us by Txabi from SUBO you can see an map that shows the loss of territory experienced by Euskara, the Lingua Navarrorum, the Basque language, throughout the centuries.

Here it is:

Euskararen Historia

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Donostia's Zinemaldi at Variety

Variety's web page published this note about the Zinemaldia in Donostia:

San Sebastian Film Festival
Madrid event gets bigger

By JOHN HOPEWELL

The setting for San Sebastian, the biggest festival in the Spanish-speaking world, captivates first-time guests: Tree-top cliffs box in three blowsy bays, and the sun often cedes to drizzle and bucketing showers.

San Sebastian has been buffeted by other elements.

Under Franco, fest films drew down tax breaks, and as a result, the studios brought in big films and big stars. With democracy, those privileges lapsed. The Basque Country also was rocked by separatist unrest.

San Sebastian bowed Woody Allen's "Melinda and Melinda" in 2004. This year, the competish features a strong Spanish distaff directorial presence, with world preems of Gracia Querejeta's "7 mesas de billar frances" and Iciar Bollain's "Mataharis." Also unspooling are the BBC-Greenlight docu "Earth" and a diptych from Wayne Wang, "A Thousand Years of Good Prayers" (in competition) and "Princes of Nebraska" (as a sidebar special). The fest is bookended by David Cronenberg's "Eastern Promises" and Michael Radford's out-of-competish "Flawless."

Trailing Venice and Toronto, San Sebastian struggles to compete for star-laden world preems. But those jewels are not an obsession, claims fest director Mikel Olaciregui.

The festival's main competition balances upscale name-director movies, sometimes exquisite smaller films from lesser-known talent and a strong art- or crossover-Spanish or Spanish-language presence. San Sebastian is admired for its director tributes. And it's turned to emerging talent and territories.

A succulent E90,000 ($122,000) cash prize bulwarks an often high-quality New Directors competition.

With "Horizontes Latinos," the fest has expanded into its natural back garden, Latin America, offering a panorama of art pics.

Films in Progress often affords sneak peeks of first films from Latin American filmmakers seeking completion finance. Expected this year are "Gasolina," one of Buena Onda's new Central America productions, and "Una semana solos" from Celina Murga, with Anna Katz and Lucia Puenzo, a promising femme Argentine filmmaker.

Lately, the festival has looked south and now east, launching Cinema in Motion, a showcase of unfinished Maghreb and Arab world movies. And it's hiked industry events, seeking to consolidate its position as a bastion of indie and arthouse cinema.

For the future, says Olaciregui, he'd like to make the festival more attractive for stars.

Something tells me the Variety's editor in chief does not have a clue about where Donostia is located, did you notice his mention of Madrid?

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Medem Is Back

Is good to know that Medem is back after being crucified by the Spanish extreme right for his effort to facilitate dialogue among the main political players in the Basque conflict. Here you have a note by Reuters about his return:

Spanish director Medem back after film therapy

Tue Aug 21, 2007 1:36pm EDT

By Elisabeth O'Leary

MADRID (Reuters Life!) - The last time Spanish director Julio Medem made a film -- a documentary about the thorny subject of the Basque region -- the political lashing he got sent him into depression.

The prize-winning director sought refuge in a new feature, "Caotica Ana" (Chaotic Ana), and the result, about a young artist who has flashbacks linking her to women who lived in more difficult times, opens in Madrid this week.

"The depression I went through was four years ago ... partly I made (Caotica Ana) because of it, and the film pulled me out of it," he told reporters on Tuesday.

Medem's previous film, "The Basque Ball" (2003), aimed to encourage dialogue in the Basque region where ETA guerrillas seeking a separate nation have long dominated the agenda.

The conservative government of the time was fiercely opposed to dialogue and slated Medem for giving voice to the guerrillas, alongside those of ETA victims. The Basque Ball went on to win a European film award for best documentary.

Caotica Ana was a respite from that storm, and the subject matter was inspired by his sister Ana, a budding artist who died in her early twenties and whose paintings feature on screen.

Also scripted by Medem, it looks at the layers of experience of young artist Ana (Manuela Velles), who leaves her protected upbringing on the island of Ibiza and sets out to discover her potential under the patronage of Justine (Charlotte Rampling) in Madrid.

She discovers she has the key to past lives, one of them lived during the Western Sahara conflict, in which Morocco annexed the mineral-rich region in 1975.

The Basque director, nominated for top prizes at the Venice and Berlin festivals in the 1990s for films such as "The Lovers of the Arctic Circle" (1998), said that the situation of the Saharawi people, thousands of whom still seek independence, is one of "absolute injustice."

"I didn't include it as a political thing, but rather as a human thing. (How it is understood politically) depends on what it is used for, and I'm prepared for that, because I have experience," he joked.

Caotica Ana is due to be shown at the Toronto Film Festival later this year.

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Aste Nagusia in Bilbo

This note appeared at EITb:

Life

Great Week of Bilbao

Still eight days more of Fiestas in Bilbao

08/19/2007

For Sunday there are also all kinds of activities scheduled, such as music alive, street theatre, games for kids, bullfightings and fireworks.

On Sunday, the second day of the Great Week of Bilbao, there are scheduled many different activities so that people of all ages can enjoy the day.

In the morning children will be able to play and run with the giants and large head figures in Moyua Park, and in the Ripa dock there will also be activities for children and teenagers. Apart from that there will be "Bilbainada" songs in the Pergola and the Old part of the city.

Furthermore, there are programmed many other activities for people of all ages such as, music alive bertsolaris (people singing Basque poems), street theatre and Basque dances.

On the other hand, in the evening the second bullfighting in scheduled with bulls of La Quintana, and fought by José Padilla, Antonio Barrera y Salvador Cortés.

Fireworks will be launched by the Asturian pyrotechnic Pablo, beginning at 10:30 p.m.

Great Week kicked off Saturday

August 18, 7:00pm, Arriaga Square. That's the note many citizens of Bilbao and party lovers have in their diary. This Saturday one of the most important appointments of the year started in Bilbao: the Great Week.

The countdown is running. Although the celebrations started at 7:00pm, a parade was set out from Begoña at 4:30pm to the Arriaga Square, where groups shared "water of Bilbao" (champagne) among those gathered there.

This year the musician Kepa Junkera started the nine days of celebration and fun, as he read the opening speech. His companion at the balcony was Larraitz Cisneros of the group Altxa Porrue as she launched the firecracker rocket.

The Great Week will officially start then. And Marijaia will open the open-air bars (txosnas) at 8:00pm.

From that moment to August 26 hundreds of events will fill the streets; over 90 concerts, among them Miguel Bose, Los Inconcientes, The Poques, Baron Rojo, Alex Ubago and Dover. Furthermore, the usual theatre shows and fireworks. The little will have their spot at the Ripa dock while well-known bullfighters will fight at the Vista Alegre ring.

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Salmond's Example

Seems to me like Ibarretxe should be taking his cues from Salmond and not from Zapatero. Check this note published at News.Scotsman:

Salmond puts independence at the top of the agenda

By Hamish MacDonell
Scottish Political Editor

ALEX Salmond yesterday launched a three-year campaign of roadshows and public meetings to sell the case for independence.

The marathon enterprise, to be paid for by taxpayers, will enable the First Minister to appeal directly to the public, bypassing politicians at Holyrood who do not back his plans.

The scheme was unveiled as part of the First Minister's launch of his "national conversation" on Scotland's future, a process he hopes will involve as many people as possible.

Critics attacked the drive for independence as a "sideshow" and the plans for a nationwide campaign a waste of money.

Opposition politicians warned they would not take part in the "conversation" until Mr Salmond dropped his plans for independence.

But the First Minister declared: "Today is the moment when, as First Minister, I ask every Scot to pause and reflect not on the kind of country we are, but on the kind of country we could be, we should be.

"And today is the start of the most wide-ranging, inclusive, imaginative and direct effort from any Scottish government to engage with every person in this country, and furth of Scotland, who has a view on the future of our nation."

He admitted the process had so far cost £40,000, a bill that will only rise if his plans for roadshows and exhibitions come to fruition.

Pat Watters, the president of local-government body COSLA, criticised the use of taxpayers' money. "I see little relevance in this exercise for local government and the people we deliver valuable services to. Like me, I am sure they would much rather see money being spent on services," he said.

But Mr Salmond defended the move, saying: "I think determining a nation's future, the price of democracy, is well worth the cost."

With a majority of MSPs implacably opposed to independence, Mr Salmond's strategy is to appeal over their heads directly to the people, inviting them to get involved and influence the process.

He said: "The days of top-down government, government delivered from on high to an unsuspecting and compliant population, are over. This debate, one focused on the question of the next stage of self-government, demands the attention of every Scot."

Mr Salmond published a glossy 48-page document called "Choosing Scotland's Future, A National Conversation" which set out the possible options: the status quo, more powers for the parliament or complete independence.

Members of the public were invited to contribute to the debate, either by writing to the Scottish Executive, registering their views online or taking part in one of the roadshows, meetings and events - sponsored by the Executive - that will take place around the country over the next four years.

By last night, nearly 5,000 had viewed the document online, 1,800 had downloaded it and 168 had contributed to it.

Mr Salmond was very vague on how these responses would be analysed, assessed and reviewed, but was adamant Scots would want to take part.

It also became clear yesterday that he is now playing a long game on the question of independence.

Before May's election, he was determined to put the question of independence to the Scottish people in 2010, or at least before the 2011 election. Yesterday, he said he "hoped" to put the question to the people in 2010, aware that, with no parliamentary majority in his favour, he may have to work towards more powers for the parliament first, and only get a referendum on independence when he wins greater parliamentary support, possibly after the 2011 election.

The initial response from the other main parties was far from positive.

The Liberal Democrats wanted a lot more "clarification and explanation" of the process before they contributed to the "national conversation".

Nicol Stephen, their Scottish leader, said: "The SNP obsession with independence is a road-block to consensus.

"The white paper is a waste of taxpayers' money. It should be withdrawn. That would allow progress to be made on the campaign to gain more powers. The SNP should join the cross-party talks on more powers for the parliament."

Annabel Goldie, the Scottish Tory leader, said: "Don't be fooled. This white paper is about independence. However it is dressed up, and however many bells, whistles and frills are attached, at its core is the SNP's separatist agenda.

"If Alex Salmond wants a conversation about devolution, he can join ours. We don't need a white paper to have a chat."

Cathy Jamieson, deputy leader of the Scottish Labour Party, said: "Conversation is fine, but we don't support independence. The people of Scotland don't want it, nor do we.

"No-one should be under any illusion; today's white paper is about breaking up the UK, not making Scotland better."

Long game is Salmond's master stroke

JACK McConnell was sometimes accused of lacking the "vision thing". No-one would make the same criticism of Alex Salmond.

Scotland's fourth First Minister has so much of the "vision thing" it colours everything he does.

That vision is obviously Scottish independence but it really only became clear yesterday how the Nationalist government is prepared to play the long-term game.

One of the most revealing snippets from Mr Salmond yesterday was his statement that he "hoped" to put his referendum to the people of Scotland in 2010.

Before the election that idea had been a commitment, now it is an aspiration.

In itself, that reveals that the First Minister is prepared to wait until conditions are most favourable before going to the country on independence.

Some unionists might feel relieved by this, confident that they would win a referendum on independence at any time, but this would be to grossly underestimate the skills of the SNP leader.

Mr Salmond and his aides have thought this through very carefully and they are confident they will be able to move public opinion sufficiently far to win the referendum.

They are already looking ahead to 2010 when their "national conversation" comes to an end. Consider that, by then, more than a million contributions have been received. More than half will probably be in favour of independence, but that will be a misleading figure - principally because everyone knows Nationalists will be more enthusiastic contributors than anyone else. But consider, also, that three-quarters of the contributors say they want a referendum to settle the issue and to decide whether the Parliament needs more powers.

This will put the opposition parties in a fix. They could keep going with their policy of refusing to have anything to do with Mr Salmond's referendum plans and uniting to defeat them at Holyrood.

But, if they did that, they would be going against the massive weight of public opinion with an election just around the corner.

Mr Salmond would be able to go into the 2011 election with an unhindered grasp on the moral high ground of Scottish politics.

He could go into the election asking for a mandate to hold a referendum on Scotland's future, pointing out that his political opponents are blocking the democratic rights and views of the Scottish population.

With such a weight of public opinion on his side, it is difficult to see the unionist parties fighting back - particularly when all three have agreed that some sort of review of the devolution settlement is now required.

Up until now, the Parliament has dealt with administrations content to deal with simple political fixes for Scotland's problems: they have thought in electoral cycles and monthly opinion polls. Now we have a government which is dealing with a much, much longer agenda.

The unionist parties thought they had isolated the SNP this week by ganging up against Mr Salmond's independence plans.

They had better get ready for the long game and start thinking what they are going to do when they are presented with a 1.5 million-contribution consultation paper in three years' time.

Otherwise they will have lost the war before they have even realised it has begun.

• ANYONE interested in finding out what really is at the core of the white paper on Scotland's future has to go right to the back of the 48-page brochure.

There, in annex B, on pages 44 to 48, is the bill which would authorise a referendum on Scottish independence.

The Referendum (Scotland) Bill is quite a striking document. Set out in legalese and parliamentary language, it specifies all the usual provisions for British plebiscites, from the roll fo the returning officers to the hours of polling.

But then, right in the middle, is the proposed ballot paper. Under the request: "Put a cross (X) in the appropriate box," there are then two statements.

The first is: "I AGREE that the Scottish Government should negotiate a settlement with the Government of the United Kingdom so that Scotland becomes an independent state."

The second is: "I DO NOT AGREE that the Scottish Government should negotiate a settlement with the Government of the United Kingdom so that Scotland becomes an independent state."

CHAPTER ONE

The first five-page chapter sets out the role and responsibilities of the Scottish Parliament, explaining how the devolution settlement has changed over the past eight years with the addition of new powers. These have been largely non-controversial, with Westminster handing over control of railway infrastructure, fireworks, food safety and the operation of power stations.

CHAPTER TWO

The second nine-page chapter deals with extending Scottish devolution, explaining which powers are still held by Westminster (national security, foreign affairs, monetary policy, broadcasting and benefits among others) and how Scotland could change.

Under sub-heads stating "A Stronger Scotland", "A Fairer Scotland", "A Greener Scotland", it sets out what the Executive claims would be the benefits of taking control.

CHAPTER THREE

The white paper then goes on to deal with the question of independence, setting out how Scotland would change and what benefits would flow from that.

It points out some potential problems - like the future of cross-border bodies like the UK regulators - but also jumps to some conclusions which are not agreed by experts.

It states that Scotland would continue to be a member of the European Union after independence, but even the European Commission has refused to take a view on that, realising that it is too difficult an issue to be decided now.

So, although the document has been drawn up by civil servants, it contains much of the SNP's pro-independence arguments; arguments which the SNP's opponents will undoubtedly take issue with during the "conversation".

CHAPTER FOUR

The fourth chapter concetrates on the UK constitution as a whole, explaining how the constitution has changed.

CHAPTER FIVE

It deals with legislation and referendums, providing the alternatives for Scotland: the status quo, more powers for the parliament or full independence, and how these could be achieved.

CHAPTER SIX

The final chapter sums up the ideas behind the national conversation and explains how members of the public can contribute.

But the white paper does not give any details of how the responses are to be assessed, what the timescale is for the consultation or when the Government intends to proceed with the bill.

McCONNELL SET TO GO TODAY

JACK McConnell is expected to stand down as Scottish Labour leader today. Mr McConnell, the First Minister between 2001 and this year's election in May, may well announce his decision after a meeting of the shadow Cabinet in Edinburgh.

His departure will spark a contest to succeed him, but Labour insiders expect only one candidate: Wendy Alexander, the former enterprise minister.

Ms Alexander, who considered standing for the leadership in 2001, already has a campaign team in place. She has the backing of several senior MSPs as well as the support of Gordon Brown.

Andy Kerr, the former health minister, and Margaret Curran, the former chief whip, are understood still to be considering their options but neither is expected to stand for the leadership.

There is some unease within the party over the prospect of a "coronation" of Ms Alexander but others want someone in place as soon as possible to mount an effective challenge to the SNP government.

Independence, what a sweet sounding word, remember when Ibarretxe said that his plan to reform the political relationship between the BAC and Madrid had nothing to do "with independence and other non sense like that"?

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Deciding The Future

The Basque Autonomous Community's premier, Juan José Ibarretxe, insists that he is all for a popular consult that will decide the future of the three Basques provinces he rules. Here you have a note about this topic from EITb:

Politics

"Capacity to decide"

Basque premier: "Future of Basque people will be decided here"

08/17/2007

Juan Jose Ibarretxe assured that both the Basque Government and provincial councils defend the "capacity to decide." Furthermore, he augured that within the next four years "big changes" will take place "in politics."

The Basque premier, Juan Jose Ibarretxe, insisted that "the future of the Basque people will be decided here and never in Madrid," and highlighted that the Basque Government and the three provincial councils defend that "capacity to decide."

Ibarretxe met the members of the new Alava's Provincial Council in Vitoria-Gasteiz, formed by the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), nationalist EA and leftwing Aralar and presided by PNV's Xabier Agirre.

Ibarretxe insisted that the three provincial councils and the government he presides "share such basic principles as saying no categorically to violence and yes to the defence of human rights of everyone, also of those who have committed a crime." As he added, all those governments also say "yes to the capacity to decide of the Basque Country."

The Basque premier explained that this political stance "differentiates us from the world of Batasuna as it doesn't categorically denounce violence," and conservative PP and socialist PSOE, as they "don't admit that this country exists as such and we have the capacity to decide for ourselves."

The Basque premier predicted that within the next four years "big changes" will take place in the political arena, because "the cycle of ETA's violence is over forever" although he specified that we could "have tremendous troubles" for possible attacks.

Too bad that every time the going gets tough he takes his cues from Madrid.

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Lizartza's Demented Sheriff

This article published by Time will give you a better picture of just how demented the Spanish political class is.

Regina Otaola, knowing very well that she became the mayor of Lizartza thanks to a political vendetta from Madrid now brags that just like George W. Bush to Iraq, she is bringing "democracy and freedom" to this small town.

Here you have the article:

Postcard from Lizartza

A Self-Styled "Sheriff" Aims to Tame the Basque Country

Thursday, Aug. 16, 2007 By Lisa Abend and Geoff Pingree

In Lizartza, the Mayor visits city hall just once a week. In fact, Regina Otaola doesn't even live in the northern Spanish town over which she presides, nor does she speak the native language of most of its inhabitants. She claims to want nothing more than to function "like a normal mayor," meeting with citizens, scheduling street repairs and planning town festivals. But the armed bodyguards required to shield her from potential attacks reflect the perils of being a pro-Madrid mayor in this stronghold of Basque nationalism.

Despite its idyllic setting in a quiet valley just south of San Sebastián, Lizartza has been seething since May, when Otaola of the conservative Popular Party was elected mayor despite winning only 27 of 355 votes cast — a feat achieved only because the Spanish authorities barred candidates of the Basque Nationalist Action party (ANV), judging them to have been "contaminated" by links with the Batasuna party, outlawed by the government in 2002 on the grounds that it was the political arm of the terrorist group ETA.

"They outlawed our party and brought in an outsider to be our mayor," complains O., a young bartender who asks to remain anonymous. Such sentiments are common in Lizartza, as is graffiti accusing Otaola of being a "fascist" and demanding amnesty for ETA prisoners. But the mayor remains undeterred in her efforts to impose her pro-Spain beliefs on a separatist-minded community.

Indeed, candidates supporting independence for the Basque country have won all but one election in Lizartza since the reestablishment of democracy following the death of the dictator Francisco Franco in 1975. In May, 186 votes went to the ANV and a further 142 ballots were left blank in protest at its disqualification. But the weakness of her mandate has not humbled the mayor. "If you believe in your principles, you have to act on them," says Otaola, 55. Upon taking office she hung the Spanish flag inside the town hall, removed photos of jailed ETA members, and demanded that all official meetings be conducted in Spanish rather than Basque. When ANV members slipped into the building to hold a press conference, she ordered the locks changed. In response to what she considered ceaseless disruptions and insults — including the new locks being plugged with silicone — she closed town hall meetings to the public.

Convinced that many of Lizartza's citizens are afraid to speak their minds, Otaola sees herself bringing "democracy and freedom" to a town long controlled by radical nationalists. "Sometimes it feels like I'm in one of those westerns," she says, "where the whole town lives in fear until a new sheriff comes to town."

The High Noon stance is misplaced, says ANV secretary general Antxon Gómez, describing Otaola's image of herself as "planting the Spanish flag and fighting off the savages." Sitting at a local restaurant, Gómez and three of the party's disqualified candidates are livid about Otaola's mayorship. "When she comes to town, the police stop all cars and block cell phone transmission," says Consuelo Agirrebarrena. But what most troubles these ANV activists is the law that allowed her to come to power at all. "There's a difference between legality and legitimacy," says Gómez. "For 22,000 people in the Basque Country, people with no criminal charges against them, to be barred from running for office for being 'contaminated,' is not only demented but undemocratic."

Lizartza's hostile standoff echoes the broader political stalemate in the Basque country. Hopes were raised in 2006 for an end to the nearly 40-year-old conflict that has claimed more than 800 lives, when ETA announced a cease-fire and the Socialist government of Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero gingerly signaled a willingness to negotiate. But the talks collapsed when an ETA bomb killed two at Madrid's Barajas airport on Dec. 30. By the time ETA officially ended its cease-fire eight days after the May elections, mistrust between the two sides ran deep. And the opposition Popular Party has exploited the failure of the talks, repeatedly attacking Zapatero for "negotiating with terrorists." With Spain's general elections seven months away, stances are hardening.

Still, Otaola hopes that hers won't be the only non-nationalist party on the town's slate when her four-year term ends. Agirrebarrena and her fellow ANV members dismiss that as folly: "She's not going to persuade anyone. The town just wants her to leave." Freshly painted graffiti on the town hall building urges her to do just that. Every Monday, Otaola has it removed. Every Friday, it reappears.

No wonder why George W. Bush feels so at ease when around members of Spain's Partido Popular, they have the same twisted morals and the same penchant for violence.

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