Another One From Garzón

The clown judge continues to do his dirty work in favor of Madrid's colonialist minded policy towards Euskal Herria.

For Garzón if you are Basque and you agree with the concept that every people has the basic right to its self determination then you're a terrorist. Nevermind that Garzón has never jailed a single member of the Francoist regime.

Garzón can care less about concepts like justice and human rights, he is an old school Spaniard who still gets a tingle in his groins knowing that although a sidekick show in the international stage Spain is still strong enough to deprive Basques, Catalans and Galizans from their right to be independent. What you will read in this note will show you how Garzón and a few other Spanish judges are willing to bend the law in order to continue the repression of the Basque people.

Here it is:

Spanish judge jails Basque separatists

The Associated Press

Published: September 11, 2007

Madrid, Spain: Spain's National Court anti-terror specialist judge Baltasar Garzon on Tuesday ordered a suspected Basque separatist jailed for allegedly belonging to a terrorist organization.

In a statement published by the court, Garzon said Juan Mari Olano would be jailed pending prosecution for belonging to the Basque separatist group ETA and inciting sabotage and public disorder.

Olano was one of nine demonstrators arrested in the Basque city of San Sebastian on Sunday during violent clashes with riot police. Olano and scores of protesters had tried to hold what was deemed an illegal rally in support of ETA prisoners.

In a separate case, the court condemned Jose Maria Arregi Erostarbe to 26 years, eight months in prison for the attempted murder of a world's fair official in 1990.

The court found that a parcel bomb mailed by Arregi Erostarbe to Manuel Olivencia, an official of Expo-92 world's fair in Seville, had exploded and injured two fair workers.

Continues...

But hear me here, Garzón couldn't get away with this if it was not for the silent complicity of the international community.

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Eusko Flickr : Eguzki Lore, Lekunberri

Eguzki lore, Lekunberri
Originally uploaded by Stefano Pizzetti

The Basque and Kurdish Issues

This article appeared at the website called Kurdish Aspect talks about the new political panorama in Turkey and what could represent for the Kurds in that country.

This is how it starts out:

Turkey at the Cross Roads

Kurdishaspect.com - By Handren Delan

Justice and Development Party, known by its initials AK, which gained landslide support from the Turkish voters on the July 22 election, finally forged its government. It is ironic that the new cabinet, unlike the previous one, comprises of members from AK with religious background and the seculars whose social lifestyles greatly differ from religious conservatives. If the composition of the new cabinet is any thing to go by, it must be indicative of the fact that Prime Minister Erdogan intends to make his new government more comprehensive and more representative so that it will re-shape the political map in Turkey.

Prime Minister Erodogan realizes the facts that even though AK received approximately 47 percent of the national vote in the election, the social and political cleavages in Turkey are to be taken into account.

Then, it leads us into familiar ground, the misconception around the world that democracy took hold of Spain in the aftermath of Franco's death:

It is nothing new that some circles in the Turkish political establishment are pre-occupied with the Spanish political structure. Reportedly, Tancu Cillar, the leader of True Path Party (1991-1997), the partner of the collation government led by the Welfare Party at the time, visited Madrid in 1996, and her visit, which received tacit support from the government, was aimed at exploring prospects for the resolution of ethnic conflicts in Turkey based on the post-Francoist political blueprint. Once the idea reached the pan-nationalists and the military circles, they out rightly scoffed at Cillar and other politicians voicing their support to her.

The Spanish model looks impressive for chiefly two reasons: heterogeneity of the Spanish make up; and a post-dictatorship political arrangement which resulted in the establishment of democratic institutions with effective checks and balances on the executive. Compared to other emerging democracies which are part of the third wave of democratization as titled in Samuel Huntington’s thesis, post-Francoist Spain is the most stable and well-established democracy.

Spain, in comparison with her sister western liberal democracies which took decades for the democratic institutions to take hold, made a painful and a hasty transition from authoritarianism into a democracy. Although the transition was painful for the elite who undertook the interval between the transition and consolidation period, it was smooth and quick (1975-1882).

The transition was painful for the elite?

Non of them were ever brought before a judge for their ghastly crimes against humankind, they still call the shots thanks to their political vehicle called Partido Popular.

Anyway, this of course leads to the Basque issue:

The country during the Francoist rein had a constitution with a centralized structure ruling over the periphery. The regions were not accorded with powers necessary to govern their regions, and the peripheral populations lagged behind in terms of economic development. In a more strict sense, the Basque and Catalonia, the two regions with distinct populations in social and cultural realms within the unitary state, were completely left at the mercy of the central government in Madrid.

The Spanish elite who emerged largely in the post-1975 rightly understood the nature of the problem their country faced, namely the ethnic challenge from the periphery.

The dictatorship of Francois like the predecessors of the AK government in Turkey employed the most repressive policy to undermine the groups holding aspirations for a degree of self-rule or outright independence. Identical to the founding fathers of modern Turkey, the Spanish national identity was imposed by repressive means, and as a result the concept of the Spanish-ness seemed less appealing for the population in the periphery.

The nature of the challenge the post-François elite encountered were twofold: on one hand, they had to retain the integrity of their unitary state; and on the other they had to build a cohesive national discourse which could encompass all population living within the Spanish territory, regardless of sectarian or ethnic background. In particular, the Basque region spelled a major challenge to the Post-Franco rulers since the secession of the region from Madrid would have had a serious repercussion for Spain and France, which has a significant Basque population. The Basques in France have their own grievances against Paris which almost terrorized and vanished their culture since the time aggressive nation-building was aggressively pursued by Napoleon, a post- France revolutionary leader, and in it’s aftermath in the 19th Century.

The underlying and far-reaching impact of the Basque secession would affect other national state borders Europe-wide beyond the borders of France and Spain. In other words, the fragmentation of the country along ethnic fault lines, to an extent, could have been a blueprint for other minorities living within national states in Europe. The daunting task in the years that followed 1975 was the writing of a new constitution which could introduce a new concept of citizenship and the recognition of nationalities with distinct cultural and social characteristics.

Obviously, the issue of national minorities is not simply confined to Spain, but to most countries that made transitions into a democracy. Naturally, countries in transition from authoritarian systems into democratic forms of governance have a tough time passing through uncertainties. The role that the ruling elite play during the transitional era is vital. According to the studies conducted on the transitional countries in the post-Cold War Eastern Europe, there are three benchmarks which make the transition successful: cohesive leadership with ability to compromise; a vibrant economic structure; and decentralization of power in the societies with heterogeneous composition. Aside from cited benchmarks, in some cases, the charisma of a leader matters. For instance, the role Vaclav Havel played during the transition in the Czeech Republic significantly helped in bringing together the main political factions in the country and built a coherent national the consensus in aftermath of the secession of Slovakia. It is worthwhile to note that transitions do not lead to full-fledged democracies.

That last paragraph is what really applies to Spain, not the rosy outlook previously described. But what is must important, it details the real reason why the European Community turns a deaf ear towards the plea by the Basque society to its self determination. Yes, there is a new European map, one that contains new countries like Latvia, Slovakia, Macedonia and soon Kosovo. But the reality is that all these new countries have reshaped the map of the other Europe, the one that for a few decades was behind the Iron Curtain, but to allow for the Basque Country (or Catalunya, or Scotland, or Corsica for that matter) to break free would be a direct hit to the real Europe, the one conformed by the powerful mega-states, the one made up by old colonialist powers, the one that counts to the international community. Therein lies the double standard applied against the nations in Western Europe that long for statehood and international recognition, trapped withing the mega-states that control the European Community, an institution that ironically is supposed to encompass not the European states but the European peoples.

So finally, the author ties things up with the possible consequences for the Kurdish plea:

The smartest move taken by DTP (Democratic Society Party) was to escape from the 10 percent threshold regarded as a constitutional trap since early 1970s.

The members of DTP who fought in elections as independents landed the party in the Grand Assembly with 26 lawmakers. It is the first time since the inception of Republic that a party with particular Kurdish affiliation has presence in the Turkish Grand Assembly. The DTP must calculate carefully its policy options within a parliament with critical divisions between the forces of moderation and change, and forces with a mindset to maintain the status quo. The AK with significant majority in the Parliament still need the support of other parties for basically two reasons: the passage of certain legislations, according to the constitution, must enjoy an overall majority for which the support of at least 20 lawmakers is a must; and the seriousness of the current government to show that it’s policies enjoy wide support from forces in parliament other than the AK. DTP‘s support serves both purposes for government.

If Kurdish parliamentarians are keen to be a relevant force in parliament, they should make it clear which aspect of political spectrum they side with. The early indications do not paint an optimistic picture.

They already made a strategic error in not supporting Gul, AK’s presidential candidate and now president. Their abstaining vote does not serve any purpose in the long run. It is of the paramount importance for them to increase their political and diplomatic leverage with the ruling elite. Sticking to impractical policies renders them completely irrelevant. Given the present Turkish political context, the Kurdish interests, for the first time since the foundation of Republic, clearly lie with the policies of the government. There is enough room for the DTP to become the most relevant force in the newly emerged political setting.

Raising premature demands at this stage does not serve Kurdish long term interests. The representative of northern Kurdistan must with all subtlety weigh time and space for the AK to further institutionalize its political agenda: broadening of democratic reforms and consolidation of the democratic institutions.

Pragmatism based on long term visions must guide our brethren Kurds in Turkey. Northern Kurdistan is a sure winner of the consolidation of democratic institutions in the country. It will be a litmus test for DTP as an institutionalized party now, whether it advances the Kurdish interests or fail in this historic juncture.

Yes indeed, these last few paragraphs sound awfully familiar, they sum up the way the big bosses at the PNV (Basque Nationalist Party) see things. Pragmatism is what keeps the Basque people divided in three different political entities, without an unified voice, without having their real demands heard in fear of making someone uncomfortable.

The result is there for all of us to see, Madrid continues to erode the political and social life of the Basque people refusing to resolve the problem knowing that Europe is all too happy to keep thing the way they are as spelled previously in this very same article.

Let us hope that the Kurds will learn from this lesson.

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Balza Strikes Again

EITb published a note regarding the violent repression unleashed by the Ertzaintza against pro-amnesty demonstrators yesterday in Donostia. Sadly, EITb shows that is is a mouth piece for the Lakua government in the very first paragraph.

Here you have the note:

Donostia - San Sebastian

Nine arrested and several injured at pro-amnesty demonstration

09/09/207

Five police agents were treated for bruises and one of them had a wound on his neck. Furthermore, three more people where injured as Police charged against demonstrators, one of them was hit by a rubber ball on his head.

Basque Police charged against demonstrators who were trying to march in favour of prisoners in a banned protest called by the Pro Amnesty Movement at the Boulevard of Donostia-San Sebastian.

Serious incidents were registered in the coastal city for several hours. Basque Police arrested nine people, among them the spokesman for the association in favour of prisoners' rights Askatasuna (Freedom), Juan Mari Olano. The nine are charged with public disorder and participation in an illegal demonstration.

As Interior Department sources confirmed, five police agents were treated for bruises and one of them had a wound on his neck. Furthermore, three more people where injured as Police charged against demonstrators, one of them was hit by a rubber ball on his head. Hospital Donostia sources confirmed their urgencies services had treated six people, and two of them are still in hospital, one of them the mosts eriously injured police agent.

Demonstrators tried to start the protest at 1:45pm, and Basque Police agents told the organisers the march was banned, moment when the charge started.

Double ban

The Interior Department of the Basque Government had banned the demonstration twice arguing "reasons linked with public order." The Department sent around 200 police agents to the coastal city to control the situation.

Leftwing nationalism showed its "complete rejection of Basque Police's brutal performance" and charged Basque Nationalist Party's Josu Jon Imaz and Interior councillor Javier Balza of doing the "dirty job" for Madrid.

Yes indeed, Imaz and Balza are to soulless neanderthals all to happy to smash as many Basque skulls as Madrid demand, too bad the media that is supposed to pinpoint the faulty behavior of individuals like Javier Balza do little or nothing.

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The Conquest of Navarre by Castile

Time to learn some history about Navarre, the Basque Kingdom and how it fought against its neighbors to retain its sovereignty. This is what took place when Castile finally conquered Navarre:

Castile Conquers Navarre

Navarre fought more than 400 years against the hostilities of Spain (Aragon and Castile), Asturias, Bearn, France, and England. In 1512, in the pinnacle of its political, economic, and military power, Castile finally buried its teeth in the throats of the Navarrese and imposed its inquisitorial system to annihilate the resistance. The Church needed no prompting to provide a halo for the conquest of Navarre. Pope Julius II excommunicated the Navarrese, stripped Navarre's monarchs of their kingdom, and ordained Castile as proprietor and master of Navarre -- already weakened by demographic decline (the plague of 1342), civil war, and economic disasters.

For Spain it was an era of reconquest: it had recovered Granada from the Moors and yet Navarre was a bastion of resistance within the empire. But Navarre too was the gate to France. The pass of Orreaga which leads from Navarre to France gave the region great strategic importance throughout the ages. The Basques had defended themselves succesfully against the Visigoths, the Franks, and the Moorish invaders.

The expansion of the kingdom of Castile, financed with the wealth usurped from Latin America, extended God's reign over the earth while the Crown made deceptive fortunes for a Spanish nobility living in a belated Middle Age. Spain fought to achieve unity as a nation wielding swords with the Sign of the Cross on its hilts.

Those thankless Navarrese for all the good Spain has done to them, were killed and their homes razed to the ground. They were hunted and penned down so that they might not disturb the organized advance of latifundia.

Exiled in their own land, condemned to an eternal exodus, many Navarrese families sought refuge in Donibane Garazi in northern Navarre, which was not occupied by Castile. The occupation of northern Navarre was costly and the prolific silver mines of Potosi, in what is now Bolivia, and of Zacatecas and Guanajuato in Mexico, had not yet been discovered by the Spaniards. The army of Carlos V retreated from northern Navarre in 1530.

During the process of military conquest, which extended through the following ten years or more after the invasion in 1512, the Navarrese of the north, Zuberoa and Lapurdi, tried to liberate the Basque state. A group of nobles took over the Amaiur castle in 1518 but unable to overcome the attacks by the Castilian army, they surrended a year later.

The metals of Latin America provided a means for Spain to fight against the nascent forces of the modern economy. Carlos V had already defeated the Castilian bourgeoisie in the uprisings of the Comuneros, which had become a social revolution against the nobility, its property and privileges. The uprisings were crushed following the betrayal of Burgos. In 1521, taking advantage of the revolt of the Comuneros, Henri d'Albret King of Navarre tried to recover Navarre from Spain. Northern Navarre and the Roncal valley united their armies led by Andre de Foix, seigneur d'Asparroz. Pamplone went up in revolt against the Castilians who quickly surrended. Most of the Navarrese territory was recovered, but having defeated the Comuneros, the Castilian troops returned to Navarre. Hundreds of Navarrese died in the battle of Noain in the Iruña valley where the troops of Andre de Foix were defeated by the army of Carlos V.

Spain conquered Navarre and transformed it from a sovereign state into a viceroyalty. The Basque state, however, retained its own independent Constitution, court and laws until 1842 when it was transformed from a viceroyalty into another Spanish province.

Bibliography: Mikel Sorauren, Historia de Navarra, el Estado vasco, Pamiela, 1999; Tomas Urzainki, La Navarra maritima, Pamiela, 1998; Roger Collins, The Basques, Basil Blackwell, 1986; Jean-Louis Davant, Ebauche d'une histoire du peuple Basque, in Euskadi en guerre, Ekin, 1982; Marianne Heiberg, The Making of the Basque Nation, Cambridge University Press, 1989; Luis Nuñez Astrain, La Razón Vasca,Txalaparta, 1995

.... ... .

Ibarretxe in Puerto Rico

The Basque Autonomous Community's lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe is touring the Caribbean nations for business purposes I would think, the CAV's economy continues to grow and needs new markets. But while visiting Puerto Rico, a nation robed of its independence by the United States of America, Ibarretxe said some interesting words, here you have the note by EITb regarding this :

Basque Premier in Puerto Rico

Each country "must decide without outside interference" -Ibarretxe

09/08/2007

The Basque premier was to meet the Basque community of Puerto Rico following his meeting with the governor of Puerto Rico. Likewise, he will lecture at the General Assembly of Lawyers' College of the country.

The Basque premier, Juan Jose Ibarretxe, met the governor of Puerto Rico, Anibal Acebedo, in his official trip to the Caribbean. There, he reiterated that Basques, "men and women who live and have political rights" in Euskadi will be "whatever they want to be" as Puerto Ricans will.

In statements following the meeting between the two leaders, Ibarretxe added that "each country has its own path" to cover and must decide without outside interference.

"There's one thing that links us in the 21st century, we Basques will be whatever men and women living in that land, who have our political rights in that land, want. The country of Puerto Rico will also be what you decide," he affirmed.

The Basque premier was to meet the Basque community of Puerto Rico following his meeting with Acebedo. Likewise, he will lecture at the General Assembly of Lawyers' College of the country under the title "Identity, dialogue and negotiation."

Before visiting Puerto Rico, Ibarretxe was in the Dominican Republic within his official tour around the Caribbean.

One can only hope that he means what he says, and that when he refers to the Basques he is actually talking about the inhabitants of the seven modern day Basque provinces.

Just like one can only hope that one day the Puerto Ricans will be able to get rid of the shackles imposed to them by the US imperialism.

One can only hope.

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International Solidarity with Segi

This note was published at An Phoblacht's web page:

Large Ógra Shinn Féin mobilisation to the Basque Country

Over 20 delegates from Ógra Shinn Féin cumainn across Ireland, will be attending a week long mobilisation to the Basque Country. The main focus of the event is to enhance and develop international relations with the Basque youth movement Segi.

Also in attendance will be Kurdish and Palestinian youth movements.

Ógra Shinn Féin activist, Councillor Johnny McGibbon said, “We will be primarily travelling to the Basque Country to show support for our Basque youth comrades in Segi who are currently deemed a ‘terrorist’ organisation, and whose former leadership is in jail. We want them to know that their plight is remembered in Ireland and that we will campaign against the constant repression.”

“We believe the international delegation will be an excellent opportunity to exchange ideas, learn from each other and also as Irish Republicans and Internationalists, to show solidarity and support with the Basque people.”

Cllr McGibbon also said:

“During the delegation we will be attending public meetings, cultural festivals, youth houses and rallies. The whole event will help equip us with knowledge of the phenomenal organisation of the Basque youth and give us an opportunity to learn of the current situation in the Basque Country at first hand.”

It is such good news to have Irish, Palestinian and Kurdish youths visiting Euskal Herria, there is much that can be learned from the experiences of these three nations under siege by expansionist and ruthless states.

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Free Julio!

Here is some recent information about the ongoing situation in Itoiz:

Julio Villanueva, member of the group Solidari@s con Itoiz, was arrested on August 17th in Iruñea-Pamplona. He was arrested by the local police ant imprisoned next morning.

Villanueva is one of the eight activists that in April 1996 stopped the construction works of Itoiz dam by cutting the cables on the concrete transporter. The eight solidarios were sentenced to 4 years and 10 months in prison for the sabotage. Two of them have already served the jail sentences passed on them. So Villanueva is the third member of Solidar@s con Itoiz imprisoned for the direct action against Itoiz reservoir. He's been until now in clandestinity like the rest of the remaining six, something which we can consider a huge punishment too.

Support actions

On August 18th about one hundred people gathered outside the prison of Pamplona-Iruñ ea to protest against the imprisonment of Julio Villanueva. Two days later another gathering of support for Julio took place in front of the jail. Solidari@s con Itoiz urges citizens to join another protest to demand freedom for Julio next Monday, August 27th, at 7 pm in the same place.

You can also support Julio by sending him messages:
Julio Villanueva
Prisión de Pamplona-Iruñea
Calle San Roque s/n
Apdo. 250
31071 PAMPLONA-IRUÑEA


More earthquakes caused by Itoiz reservoir water storage

Earthquakes caused by the Itoiz reservoir water storage have not ceased in last months. In fact, they have increased in number (1.200 earthquakes since summer 2004, when they started filling up the reservoir) and in the same way they are increasing the danger of an imminent catastrophe at Itoiz. As the earthquake map shows, more and more seismic events are having epicenter in the very same Itoiz reservoir, which increases seriously the risk of landslides into the reservoir, endangering thousands of people's lives. More details available at: www.itoizstop. org

Read and spread this message!
FREDOM FOR JULIO!!! STOP THE DAMS!!!
Solidari@s con Itoiz

Sindominio.net/ sositoz
sositoiz@sindominio .net

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Azkarate and the "R" Word

My goodness, Miren Azkarate has uttered the "R" word, hopefully she is prepared for the onslaught of insults coming her way thanks to Madrid's web of media outlets and blogs ready to accuse her of nothing less than sedition against the Crown and against the Constitution, like that, with capital C.

Here you have the note from EITb:

Interview on Euskadi Irratia

"We will have a referendum at the end of this way" - Azkarate

09/04/2007

The spokeswoman for the Basque Government added it is not advisable to become obsessed with the date of the referendum as it can create frustration among the citizens.

The spokeswoman for the Basque Government and Culture Councilor Miren Azkarate said a voice will be given to the Basque citizens, such as Basque President Juan José Ibarretxe said last Friday.

"It is hard to say when but there will be a referendum at the end of this way," Azkarate said in an interview on the Basque radio station Euskadi Irratia.

The spokeswoman for the Basque Government was prudent when asked about the date of the referendum and said the commitment to call it is more important that the date. "When I was in Montreal, a leader of the Quebequés party said the date was not important because it created frustration. It is better to agree on the path we want to follow and then, consider which is the best moment to call it".

Azkarate remarked the Basque President and the Basque Government's commitment is still in force. She also played down the different positions on the referendum of the three parties in the Basque Government.

Oh, don't worry Mrs. Azkarate, the Basque society has waited 500 years for its self determination, what is a few more decades.

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Unesco Visits Euskal Herria

This is an interesting note regarding the Unesco's visit to Euskal Herria to asses if the caves of Santimamiñe and Ekain deserve to be considered as part of humankind's cultural heritage.

Here you have the note by EITb:

Assessment

Unesco visits Basque Palaeolithic caves of Santimamiñe and Ekain

09/03/2007

An expert will assess the caves to study if they are included in the World Heritage List. The only site in the Basque Country in the list nowadays is the Hanging Bridge of Bizkaia.

An expert from the Unesco will visit the Basque caves of Santimamiñe (in Kortezubi, Bizkaia) and Ekain (in Deba, Gipuzkoa) to assess the "Palaeolithic Cave Art of the Cantabrian coast" candidature, which could be included in the World Heritage List.

Anyway, the World Heritage Committee of the Unesco won't make a decision on the award until June or July 2008.

The candidature is formed by several caves, those two in the Basque Country, as well as Peña de Candamo, Tito Bustillo and El Pindal in Asturias; and Chufin, Hornos de la Peña, El castillo, La Pasiega, Las Monedas, El Pendo, La Garma and Covalanas in Cantabria.

On January 31, day the Unesco accepted the candidature, the general director of the Culture Department of the Government of Cantabria, Justo Barreda, explained in the name of the whole candidacy that the initiative "is necessary as it helps to place Altamira within its context," as this cave is already included within the World Heritage List.

The text to back the petition defends that "Palaeolithic cave art is one of the most relevant cultural expressions of the history of Humanity" as it is "the first artistic expression of the human species," giving it "a universal value and meaning tightly linked with the evolution of culture and society."

These values, already recognised since 1985 for the cave of Altamira, "are applicable to other groups of cave art located in the same phisiographic region," among them the two Basque caves.

Hanging Bridge of Bizkaia, only precedent

Up to this date, the Hanging Bridge of Bizkaia (which links the towns of Portugalete and Getxo) is the only Basque good included in the World Heritage List.

Anyway, the Way of Saint James as a whole is in the list, and part of that way runs through Iparralde (Basque provinces within the French State), Navarre, Gipuzkoa and Bizkaia.

The real question here is, what took so long?

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